You are currently browsing the document category
By William “Meatball” Douthard
The Summer of 1963 was very hot in the South, especially Gadsden, a northern Alabama city of 75,000 of which 28-30,000 are Negroes. It was there that local and state law enforcement officers waged their most vicious and brutal assault upon negroes protesting the inaccessibility of public facilities, voting rights and public accommodations in their city.
It was there the “cattle prod,” a battery powered instrument used in most stockyards, capable of rendering a shock from 18-24 volts, was introduced as a weapon against civil rights demonstrators. It was there the theory of brutally beating Negroes in large numbers as a means of creating a blanket of fear in the community was initiated in the grandest of Southern style.
It was there that two C.O.R.E. field secretaries and three field representatives (myself and one of the latter) along with staff personnel of S.N.C.C. and S.C.L.C. learned the viciousness directed at Negroes seeking their rights.
I was relegated the task of directing the demonstrations which attempted to illustrate basic and constitutional rights denied Negroes in that city. From June 11-August 5, we demonstrated almost daily in an effort to bring the town to recognize the justice in our demands and the injustice of their denials. And in those weeks, I saw men, women, and children senselessly beaten without provocation, and then jailed for daring to ask for what was already theirs.
Vividly I remember the night of June 19, when over 500 Negroes, men, women, and children, assembled on the grounds of the County Courthouse and jail, to hold a vigil of prayer in protest of the arrest of some 600 students and adults the previous day. While watching from my top floor cell, I saw over 300 law officers of the city, county and state surround the protesters and begin their systematic beating of all. As the Negroes broke and ran they were chased on foot and in cars, overtaken and beaten again.
Leaving jail on bond, I resumed my job as director of demonstrations. By this time the pattern of resistance had formed and we were able to anticipate actions by the city and state authorities. What we didn’t expect was the continuous beatings.
After sending out some 200 pickets, I left our workshop hall and started to walk two blocks to our office. Lined along 6th Street were scores of Highway Patrol (State Troopers) cars with two to four men. Not more than 3 feet in front of me, one driver, S. Trooper Brown, got out of his car and said, “Get in the car, boy.” He then walked across the street and picked up C.O.R.E. Field Sec. Marvin Robinson, and placed him in the back seat with me.
Ironically, Marvin was walking to the Federal Building to protest to the F.B.I. a merciless beating inflicted upon me the day before by State troopers while a crowd of about 200 whites watched. After placing us in the car, Brown, while the other trooper in the car watched us, called Col. Al Lingo, Director of Alabama State Highway Patrol, and said:
“I’ve got Robinson and Meatball here, what do I do with them?” “Bring them in,” said Lingo, to which Brown replied, “On what charges?” “Disturbing the peace or anything,” said Col. Lingo. We were then taken to the back of the Etowah County Courthouse, where awaiting us stood Col. Lingo and his driver, Maj. Allen.
From our first encounter, Col. Lingo set the pace for our trip from the basement to the fourth floor via elevator. Approaching the steps to the basement of the courthouse, I was prodded by Brown. As we walked inside I mistakenly walked by the door that Lingo apparently intended for us to go through. Lingo then reached out, turned me around and slapped me through the door.
Marvin then made his mistake, by walking up the stair instead of down the corridor toward the elevator as I did. He paid for his mistake. Allen ordered Marvin down, and then began punching him in the stomach. After Allen had punched Marvin about four times, Brown began prodding him toward the elevator.
Marvin and I were then herded into the alcove opposite the elevator. Brown then began to consistently alternate in prodding Marvin and me. While leaning against the wall under pressure of the prodding, Marvin’s leg gave in and he slipped to the floor. Immediately they pounced on him—Allen punching and kicking while Brown held the prodder to Marvin’s chest. When Marvin started yelling in pain, Allen ordered a halt until we go in the elevator so as to minimize the chances of being heard. After entering the elevator, we were constantly punched and prodded until we reached the fourth floor.
This was Gadsden, July, 1963.
(Editor’s note: Since coming to New York, the young author of this first person account of Alabama “law enforcement” has joined the Fourth A.D. North Liberal Club and is planning a career in the law.)
[The Liberal News (Official Publication of the Liberal Party of New York State), Vol. VI, No. 6, February-March 1965. Editor's note is in the original.]
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on June 11, 2005 at 12:27 pm
I first mentioned William Douthard in passing here. At the right is a flier from a civil rights rally I think my father organized, where William spoke (click on the image to enlarge).
William Douthard was a student demonstration leader in Birmingham, Alabama, which was where he and my father met. To many in the Movement, he was known as “Meatball.” I always knew him as William.
I have strong memories of William because in 1978 he moved to Bethlehem, NY (a suburb south of Albany), where my family was living. He lived at our house for a while until his job started and he found his own place. One of my vivid memories of when he stayted with us was the time William took me to the Bethlehem Public Library and taught me how to do library research on the Fabian Society. (I believe the topic was suggested by my father, certainly not by my teachers). At one point, as William was guiding me through the process of putting my notes onto index cards, he suddenly stopped me and reprimanded me somewhat sternly for using a word in my notes that I didn’t know the meaning of. He insisted I go over to the dictionary and find out the definition before I continued with anything else. At home, it was common to find William and Dad sitting at our kitchen table and playing pinochle for hours on end. I don’t remember ever hearing them reminisce about working together in Alabama. Not needing to talk about it may have been the point: they had a strong mutual understanding, and that was probably comforting.
William moved into a condominium on one of the northernmost edges of Slingerlands, the next hamlet over from us in the same town, nestled between the borders of Albany and Guilderland. He married his second wife within the first year or so of being there, and she and her son Kip, a few years older than I, moved in. The condo was on a hill, overlooking the the Normanskill Creek, which forms the northern border of the town of Bethlehem. William had sliding glass doors that opened out onto a concrete patio on the crest of the hill. I remember a barbecue out there, probably the summer of 1979. Kip took me down the hill, over to the other side of Blessing Road, where you can walk down a steep slope, under the spot where Blessing Road runs into Rt. 85. Kip showed me where you can get onto the cross beams underneath the bridge that carries Rt. 85 over the Kill. I was too scared to come out as far as he did on the steel beams, with the cars making the whole structure tremble as they passed. Later on indoors, I wandered into William and Kim’s room. On the wall, above the bed, was a poster size head shot of William. Over the poster was a clear, plastic sheet, with red concentric circles, making a bulls eye over William’s animated face, and with several darts stuck through, into the wall.
We saw a lot of William until 1981, when he died very young, just shy of his 34th birthday. I don’t remember what put him in the hospital (I was 11 at the time), but he developed a blood clot, which was the cause of death.
In the early 1960s in his home town of Birmingham, Alabama he was a leader of the Alabama Student Movement for Human Rights . . . He joined the field staff of the SCLC in 1961 and worked in various campaigns until 1964 when he joined the staff of CORE. Late in 1964 he moved to NYC and worked for the International Ladies Garment Workers Union in the Political Education Department. From 1968-1978 William worked with several agencies dealing with the problems of urban youth in NYC, including the Addiction Service Agency and The Family Youth Center in Brooklyn which was unique in its efforts as a community based program.William was involved in the peace movement as well. He sat on the executive committee of the War Resistors League and served on the Board of Directors of WIN, a publication of the peace movement. He also served on the board of the AJ Muste Memorial Institute.
In 1978 William came to Albany to join the affirmative action staff of the Department of Taxation and Finance, serving as Supervisor of Affirmative Action Plan and Program. His remarkable leadership talents were recognized; and after a short term as Director of Affirmative Action at the Office of Mental Retardation, he was appointed Assistant Commissioner for Affirmative Action in the Department of Corrections where he was serving at the time of his death.
(from the program booklet of William Douthard’s Eulogistic Service, held at the Bethel Baptist Church, Birmingham, Alabama, Saturday, January 10, 1981)
When William first moved to New York City, he lived with my parents then, too, in their co-op apartment on the Lower East Side. William’s job at the the NYS Tax Department was through my father, who was Secretary to the Tax Commission. William’s first job in NYC, with the ILGWU, was probably also through my father, since the ILGWU was headed by David Dubinsky, and my father worked closely with Dubinsky at the Liberal Party of NY. William also moved quickly into Liberal Party circles, as is evidenced in the February/March edition of the Liberal News, from which I will be posting excerpts soon.
The War Resisters League established a fund in William’s memory after he died. While he was alive, William used to send us WRL Peace Desk Calendars each year. We continued buying the calendars for a number of years after he died.
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on June 10, 2005 at 3:21 pm
I mentioned in part III of this series that I can date the handwritten drafts of Long Days Short Nights because of a passage about Frankie Newton. I am posting that passage here, though it was not intended for publication. It is an unpolished prose sketch, written in one shot, to get the material down on paper. The passage begins with some garbled and embarrassingly sentimental sentences, which I omit. The first sentence in the omitted passage is “Nine years ago he stopped breathing,” which dates the writings in 1963, since Frankie died in March of 1954.
[Prose sketch from Long Days Short Nights ms., summer or fall, 1963]
by Paul A. Greenberg
My first memory is not music but tennis. I met Frank when I was barely in my teens. I don’t remember whether it was at a friend’s house or at a record shop but he was looking for someone to play tennis with the next day. In my youthful exuberance I exaggerated my prowess and we arranged a date. You may recall that Newton was a big man and athletically well developed. After 5 minutes it was obvious that this was a tennis lesson not a game. Newton: “It’s a good thing you are nice because you sure ain’t a tennis player.” He invited me to the club he was working in. My memory fails but I believe it was in the Fenway in Boston. I do remember Vic Dickenson and Horsecollar Williams and Pete Brown were in the band. And I do remember that it swung. Lord it swung. I brought my clarinet but Frank said no he would not be embarrassed but I might be if my playing was equal to my tennis. He was right. During the next few years I saw Frank every time he was in Boston which was frequently. I learned a lot of music by the osmosis of listening. We established a man-boy relationship that was fatherly without being paternal, brotherly without being filial. We explored sports, books, politics and mostly people. I learned how to listen, doubt, and feel. I learned much about being human and some of the anguish of being negro.
I first became aware of the problem of friendships “across the wall” when we were walking in an area where Frank felt we were not welcome. He asked me to walk half a block behind him. I asked him why the parade? He said if we were jumped I should run like hell. I had thought about his being paranoid then. It was later that I found out there was wisdom in his approach. I still don’t know if I would have run like hell or not.
The summer of my 17th year I arrived in N.Y. with 65 cents, a clarinet which I played at best poorly, and the ill fitting clothes I had on and presented my self to Newton as his new roommate—uninvited. He goddamned me and told me to go home but took me in. Times were tough. Frank’s jobs were infrequent but we shared what he had. I remember some of the dates. Some of the people who played those dates were Sandy Williams, Pete Brown, Art Hodes, [Bill?] Pemberton, Pops Foster, Hank D’Amico, Ike Quebec, Roger Ramirez, Frank Orchard, Bob Casey. The places? Webster Hall, a club in the Bronx, organization dinners in Brooklyn. What was the music like? Moody! Some nights it was terrible, a fight all the way. Others it swung. By now Frank was playing the flugelhorn. It’s a shame we don’t have records. He played it with love and what music. The horn had belonged to Boston friend, Doc Kiley who died in the army and left it to Frank who treasured the friendship and the horn. Several years later a fire destroyed the apartment and in the remains he found a twisted piece of the horn which he made into a piece of jewelry which hung around his neck. What are the real memories? I learned about girls, drinking and fun. I found out what shuffling meant. I learned anti-conformity. Some of the memories are clear. I can’t always distinguish what I saw from what I heard. There were three neighborhood youngsters, brothers. Frank called these little toughs Big Jazz, Little Jazz and No Jazz. He taught the kids in the neighborhood. He was always puzzled by the fee question. He felt playing was a good discipline. On the other hand he said, “How much do you charge a note.” His attitude was that any kid that wanted to learn had a right to a good teacher. He was a great teacher even if the lessons were spasmodic and on a whimsical basis.
(This prose sketch was previously published in “The Search For Frankie Newton,” by Jennifer Wagner, in The Historical Society of Washington County, Virginia Bulletin, Series II, No 39a, 2002.)
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on February 23, 2005 at 10:49 pm
In 1994 my father spoke during the week of Martin Luther King Day at Temple Gates of Heaven, a Reform synagogue in Schenectady, NY. In his speech, he commented on Black-Jewish relations in a way that illuminates his own relationships with Black folks.
I don’t intend to raise the question of Black-Jewish relations in part because I think it has been addressed to little avail at length by our community and in part because I think what I will raise speaks to the question in a more meaningful way than the usual discussion that tries to rekindle a better past that I personally don’t think ever existed. . . .Simply put we who are conscious and actively Jewish live within two cultures Jewish and American. Our effort individually and collectively is to find a place of comfort and ease so that we can have both.
Let me say quickly and emphatically right here so that there is no misunderstanding. The Jewish American experience and the Black American experience are not the same nor can we find an easy equation between the two. I am indicating that we share this relationship to America. We want our own identity and we want to participate fully in our country’s bounty and its decision making.
In the same speech, my father recalled the experience that first made him clearly aware of his Jewish identity and first made him conscious of living in two cultures.
I don’t remember whether I was seven or eight but the scene is vivid in the feeling part of my memory. We were living in Taunton, Massachusetts. Until that day (it must have been summer because I wasn’t in school) I was only vaguely aware of being Jewish. I had heard the family stories, I was somewhat embarrassed by my paternal grandmother’s accent and I loved Bible stories especially the Exodus tale.They were starting a baseball game. Sides were being chosen. I stood there expecting to be chosen around fourth or fifth. I was realistic about my ability. I wasn’t the best but I was far from the worst. I made up in determination what I lacked in size. While waiting in pleasant expectation lightning struck. “Do you want Jewboy? I don’t want him on my side.” It took several seconds for me to realize he was talking about me. JEWBOY! JEWBOY! JEWBOY! The word crashed through my being. My insides were raw with pain. “I am an American,” I screamed in a tearful combination of fear and rage. “Jewboy!” ” Jew cry baby!” “Mockie!” Christkiller!” “Scram, Jews can’t play baseball.” I stood my ground and yelled the most meaningful words I could find, “it’s a free country!” I don’t know who threw the fist blow but a general melee ensued. I was badly bruised and I would like to believe several of my tormentors carried home some effects of my frantic and violent surge of energy.
In the 1930s and 1940s antisemitism was still quite overt in the US. My father’s tormentors may not have understood much about the culture he came from, but they stood ready to keep him out of theirs. Dad had a number of stories like this one, lessons in being on the outside. The most developed one, and the most fully fictionalized, is “Lonesome Blues”, the story I posted in September, named after the song [RealPlayer] by Louis Armstrong and his Hot Five. In “Lonesome Blues,” the high school years of a suicide jazz musician, Mo Bartel, closely mirror my father’s.
The other live factor in my life was basketball. I was going to show them that a Jew could be as tough as anyone. I made the team by determination rather than skill. Years later I asked Tony Nucola, who was our coach, why he put me on his squad and he told me that any one who fought that hard to play was worth having on the team. I don’t know whether he did me a favor or not. I was always playing 9 men. The opposing 5 and our other 4.
This time around, he knows where he stands. His imaginative and intellectual powers are dominated by the activity of assessing boundaries, identifying gatekeepers and allies, and developing entry and exit strategies.
Do you remember my Tuesday to Saturday Blues? That’s what it was all about. Keefe invited me on Tuesday and I had to wait until Saturday. I went and didn’t over and over. I was sure they were putting me on. I would flunk the test and be the laughing stock of the school. They would remember I was Jewish and ask me to leave. One country indivisible with liberty and justice for all that crap and they would call me Jewboy and I would start a fight. I wouldn’t know what to say. I hated popular music.On Saturday I walked up the hill to Keefe’s house like a car with a couple of spark plugs out. By the time I got there I was shaking, inside my stomach felt like mush. Mrs. Riley, pretty, friendly, lovely Mrs. Riley answered the door and told me “the boys are down in the basement.”
Eight boys looked like an army and sounded like two. I was trapped. Eight enemies of my privacy were looking at me, surveying me. I was searching for something to say when Keefe made it easy—easy like scaling Everest easy like dying. “Hi Mo. Guys this is the clary man I told you about Mo Bartel. Mo did you bring any sides?”
“Yeah, two my left and right.” I made it. I was in and still breathing.
Someone shoved a coke in my hand and I was able to ward off questions about how long I was playing or who my teacher is when Keefe shouted above the din “let’s get organized and start spinning some sides first one for Mo, Pops Armstrong’s Lonesome Blues featuring Johnny Dodds on clarinet.”
Love on first sound? Three minutes on another planet. I mean it hit me like where have you been all my painful life. This was what I felt. The truth head on. It cried without the tears showing, it screamed pain without being sent to the nuthouse. It was all about being alone, alone, alone.
He was in and still breathing but in is a state of mind and out was still where he was, and Johnny Dodds was talking about it and
After it finished I got up walked upstairs and out down the hill and with tears in my eyes I ran down the hill…
I am interested in this complicated process of Mo Bartel née Paul Greenberg’s identification with African American culture—among other things, that it occurred, at least in the story, in a room full of white high school boys. They knew about Louis Armstrong’s mid 1920s breakthrough, modernistic refashioning of New Orleans jazz. Mo didn’t, but they seemed to think he would. In their eyes a Jewish clary man had a touch of the exotic and was automatically identified with jazz rather than the classical music he was learning to play. They wanted to entertain him or prove they were in the know.
I am interested in the story’s rough hewn prose style and in how Mo Bartel, and his foil, the narrator, fit into the literature of American Jewish urban experience, which should be familiar to anyone who has read Nat Hentoff or other jazz literature, like Max Kaminsky’s forgotten classic My Life in Jazz. But when looking at this story as a text about my father, there is something else to know. The drafts of it, along with the other sketches and segments for the novel Long Days Short Nights it was to be part of, are handwritten on the backs of copies of the flier at right (click on image to enlarge).
Presumably Dad was the organizer of the event: William Douthard (aka Meatball) was his very close friend from when he was working for the SCLC in Birmingham, Martin Luther King was his boss, and James Farmer was a close associate, whom he revered. I don’t know how well Dad knew Constance Baker Motley, but they were both part the Civil Rights Movement community in New York. My family lived in Co-op Village and Dad was highly active in left organizations on the Lower East Side. So the flier has my father written all over it in more ways than one.
During some of his most direct involvement in the Civil Rights Movement, his inner life was preoccupied elsewhere. He didn’t treat the political fliers as documents to save for posterity, but as surfaces on which to write and fictionalize his life—as if his committed activism was only the backdrop for a personal journey. Of course the two things were not really separable. In fact, the suicides in “Lonesome Blues” may well be precisely what underlies my father’s participation in the Southern Freedom Movement. From “Lonesome Blues,” first paragraph:
They will say he was only 37 years old no one knew he was sick that he left a wife and two children and 300 records behind. They will find out he was broke and remember he was the first whiteman to tour with Prince Kingsley.
In the summer and fall of 1963 Paul Greenberg was thirty-five years old and a one time aspiring jazz clarinetist; he had a wife and two daughters, and kept a sizable collection of records, a large portion of which were jazz. I said suicides, in the plural, because there are really two. There’s Mo Bartel who seems to have taken his own life in a Chicago hotel room, and there’s the journalist-narrator, whose method of narrative transmission spells a kind of professional suicide, a sacrifice of his means of publication in exchange for the hope that his revelation of Mo Bartel’s inner life will see the light of day.
I don’t want the assignment. I wrote the Mo Bartel story 10 years ago and you didn’t print it. Enclosed is the carbon copy of the story filed with you then. Print it and buy all of his records with my check otherwise forget it. I won’t interview his wife or any of the guys he played with. Fire me—get a new Jazz Critic for our lousy magazine but I won’t do that kind of story.
The narrator dies a professional death so that the biographical Mo Bartel, whose music is already immortal, can have life after death.
At my father’s funeral, my girlfriend, now the woman I’m married to, said it’s a good thing he couldn’t carry a tune: otherwise he wouldn’t have done all this important political work. Lack of musical talent had much to do with it, but for him jazz was “a way of walking, talking. / Had it in his soul.” His story in politics was the story of a lonely, Jewish high school kid in Brighton, Mass. who was catapulted by Johnny Dodds’ clarinet into Frankie Newton’s apartment in Union Square and into the Communist Party, the unions, SANE, and the Civil Rights Movement. The jazz life was a fading, youthful dream, and Dad was at a painful threshold, a moment just prior to when loss translates the past into nostalgia.
The final thing to note here is that I can date the handwritten draft material for Long Days Short Nights with assurance only because there is an extended passage about Frankie Newton that locates the manuscript in time. That bit of prose will make up part IV of this series.
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on February 23, 2005 at 3:37 pm
Not long after my father died in 1997, I started collecting Frankie Newton’s recordings myself. There’s the core group of twenty some songs that were recorded under Frankie’s name, with bands that he led. But then there’s another fifty or so recordings with other bandleaders and in loose, pickup bands. As with any musical obsession of mine, I devoured liner notes and quickly formed interests in the other musicians on the recordings and what else they recorded and with whom, outside of the original Newton sides.
Through Newton, I came to know a fantastic constellation of jazz stylists who all came through the swing era, the era of big bands, and produced an exciting range of small group recordings that at various times:
• take popular forms to great heights of refinement and virtuosity — e.g., Benny Goodman (cl.), Charlie Christian (g.) and Lionel Hampton’s (vibe) 1939 “Stardust”; Edmund Hall (cl.) and Sidney (trp.) and Wilbur (trmb.) De Paris’ 1944 turbo charged “I’ve Found A New Baby”
• explore directions outside conventional swing formats — e.g., Rex Stewart (crn.), Django Reinhart (g.), Barney Brigard (cl.) and Billy Taylor’s (b.) breathtaking and inspired 1939 performance of “I Know That You Know”; Pee Wee Russell (cl.), Zutty Singleton (d.) and Joe Sullivan’s (p.) wild, dare I say primal, 1941 trio version of “Sing, Sing, Sing,” known as “Deuces Wild”
• give direct and powerful expression to a blues or standard — e.g., Sidney Bechet’s bowl you over 1939 soprano sax rendition of “Summertime,” with Teddy Bunn (g.), Meade Luxe Lewis (p.), Johnny Williams (b.), Sid Catlett (d.); Jelly Roll Morton’s 1939 vocal performance on “Buddy Boldon’s Blues” (doesn’t really count as small group, since the band is just Morton accompanying himself on piano)
With each new find, and with each jazz reference book, I came back to the same frustration that there is terribly little biographical information about Frankie Newton. It was frequently the case that I knew more about him from my conversations with my father than I could find in published materials. I desperately wanted to know more.
At some point in 1999 I remembered how in 1991 my father had relished reading to me from a set of liner notes by an expert who did, in fact, appreciate Frankie’s greatness. The record was God Is In The House, a collection of live after hours performances by Art Tatum. In the early 1940s, a Columbia University student named Jerry Newman, had portable disc recording equipment that he took around to private jam sessions. He captured priceless moments of jazz improvisation from a period when records were only three to four minute studio recordings, generally limited in their structure and scope. The recordings Newman collected are rare, often arresting documents of how the music was played in front of live audiences. God Is In The House captures Tatum at five venues in 1940 and 1941. Some of the performances are just him on solo piano, some include other musicians. The last two tracks, “Lady Be Good” and “Sweet Georgia Brown,” are with Frankie Newton and Ebenezer Paul (bass) at Clark Monroe’s Uptown House. The writer of the notes is Dan Morgenstern:
The two final performances . . . are sensational. Newton is up to playing with Tatum—his ear is sure enough not to be thrown by the unorthodox backing, especially on “Sweet Georgia Brown.” On “Lady Be Good,” Newton shows us where Sweets Edison comes from. A master of mutes (including the almost whispery one he plays here), he was one of the three great post-Armstrong trumpeters, along with Roy Eldridge and Lips Page. It’s good to have these indications of his worth; he was under-recorded throughout his career.
The complexities of Tatum’s accompaniments and solos are such that it is impossible to take these two performances in at even several hearings. You’ll find yourself listening first to Art, then to Frank, then to both, again and again. “Sweet Georgia Brown,” I humbly submit, is one of the most remarkable pieces of spontaneously improvised jazz music ever captured by a recording device.
When we did our Frankie Newton session in 1991, Dad read out the whole two paragraphs, giving that last sentence particular emphasis, as if it were vindication of all that he believed in. He explained that Morgenstern is a famous jazz critic, a professor at a university, maybe Princeton.
I wondered if Dan Morgenstern could help me find out more about Frankie Newton. A little googling revealed that Morgenstern is the director of the Institute of Jazz Studies, housed not at Princeton but at Rutgers. I sent him a letter on September 7, 1999. More than a month went by. I’d just about given up all hope of receiving a reply when in mid-October an envelope arrived in the mail with “Institute of Jazz Studies” in the return address. A letter from Morgenstern! It began:
Dear Benjamin Greenberg,
I was both delighted and saddened to receive your letter. Delighted because for more years than i can remember I’d hoped in some way to find a man I could recall only as “Paul.” We met somewhere in Greenwich Village–in a jazz joint, a bar, at someone’s house party–and had an intense, wonderful conversation about Frankie Newton during which I learned some of the things your letter conveys about your father. (Our brief encounter took place so long ago that I had not yet begun to write professionally about jazz–I was just “hanging out” and absorbing all kinds of stuff–so your father would not have remembered when he later read my liner notes, but I’m so very pleased that he did so, and seems to have approved.)
. . . let me just note that I never knew Frankie–by the time I came to the U.S., in late April of 1947, he was already elusive, and it wasn’t until about a year later that I really became aware of his true stature in the jazz trumpet pantheon–I knew only a few records. But one of those, “The Blues My Baby Gave To Me,” had made its mark, so when I met and became friends with Nat Lorber, whom everyone called “Face,” who played the trumpet and whose three heroes (after Louis, of course) were Hot Lips Page, Roy Eldridge and Frankie, I was ready to learn. I saw Frankie just once–not playing, but having a bite to eat in a little village restaurant and bar called Calypso-plus-something I can’t recall–but was too timid (not quite 20 yet) to approach him. That was around 1950 . . . and then, in 1954, Frankie died, just on the verge of trying a comeback. But Nat spoke vividly of him, and then that moment with your father, and other recollections by musicians, almost make me feel as if I somehow knew him.
I was beginning to feel I somehow knew him, too. And getting closer to Frankie Newton was also getting closer to my father.
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on February 22, 2005 at 2:30 am
My father graduated from the eighth grade of Public School 89, Elmhurst, NY (Queens), in June of 1941. Like other kids graduating PS 89, he planned to go on to high school about a half mile away, at Newtown High School. According to his 8th grade autograph book, my father’s favorite author was Jack London, his favorite book The Sea Wolf; Stardust was his favorite song; he loved baseball and worshipped Mel Ott.
But before my father was out of PS 89, his father was out of his life. He would tell others his parents were separated, but in reality my paternal grandfather, whom I am named after, deserted his wife and three sons. Being a single mother was not easy for Gertrude Greenberg. She was from the affluent Swig family, however, so she moved to Boston to be near them and get their support. In Brighton, they lived at 90 Kilsyth Road, an apartment building built in 1930.
[Paul Greenberg w/his mother, Gertrude, 90 Kilsyth Road, c. 1943] [Paul Greenberg w/his father, Benjamin, year and location unknown]
(Oddly, before he moved last month, my close friend Joe was living in the next building up the hill, at 100 Kilsyth Road, for the first eight or nine years that I knew him. A few years ago I came across the picture of Dad and Gert, above. Suddenly I recognized the scene in the photo and I could hear my father telling how he rode his bike down the hill from 90 Kilsyth Road to Beacon Street to get to the Savoy Cafe on Massachusetts Avenue, where he’d go hear Frankie Newton, Pee Wee Russell, Max Kaminsky, Bud Freeman and many others.)
[Photo: 100 Kilsyth Road, Brighton, Massachusetts]
Instead of Newtown High in Elmhurst, my father attended Brighton High School in Boston. His education at Brighton High lasted until he was seventeen. Once his three brothers were all fighting in WWII, life wife with Gert became unbearable for him.
“Don’t you have any respect for me?”
Mother of the kitchen, mother of the laundry, mother deserted by my father. I wish I did. Lord where is respect for lonely mother. All I felt was fear that I would not escape.
Pity—yes, Loyalty—yes, Fear—yes, Respect—void.
*** *** ***
I never formulated a plan. It just happened. Even on the day I left I didn’t decide to leave. I just went.
I took my clarinet and went for a walk and was on the highway beyond the circle and thumbing a ride—Destination New York—Destination freedom. Land of dreams, heaven on earth they call it 52nd street.
*** *** ***
I arrived in N.Y. with 65 cents, a clarinet which I played at best poorly, and the ill fitting clothes I had on and presented my self to Newton as his new roomate[sic]—uninvited. He goddamned me and told me to go home but took me in.
(Paul A. Greenberg, excerpts from sketches for Long Days Short Nights)
The year was 1944 when he showed up at Frankie Newton’s place on E17th Street, just off Union Square. In his Political Autobiography, my father wrote, “My association with Jazz musicians in general and Frankie Newton in particular shaped my view of human possibility and what suffering was about. . . . Frankie Newton . . . gave me a vision of socialism and art as important components of the human spirit. Frank taught me how to look at Picasso and Evergood and to read poetry ranging from John Donne to Langston Hughes.”
[Photo: (left to right) Frankie Newton, Sidney Bechet, 8June1939 (Charles Peterson)].
Earlier, in his sketches for Long Days Short Nights, he wrote:
I learned how to listen, doubt, and feel. I learned much about being human and some of the anguish of being negro.
I first became aware of the problem of friendships “across the wall” when we were walking in an area where Frank felt we were not welcome. He asked me to walk half a block behind him. I asked him why the parade? He said if we were jumped I should run like hell.
My father often said that living with Frank was “better than ten college educations.”
From mid 1940s until the fall of 1950, my father did organizing work in several CIO unions. He then served 21 months in the US Army in the Korean War, September 1950 to June 1952.
In 1953 and 1954, he attended the Columbia University School of General Studies and earned about a year’s worth of college credit. This was the last of his formal education.
In 1973, my father was Director of Special Unit For School Board Elections of the Board of Elections in the City of New York. He used to say his testimony at the New York State Education Department Hearings on Community School Board Elections was his masters thesis. This was my father’s official report on his oversight of changing the method of the New York City School Board elections to proportional representation.
In September of 1974, however, my father decided he would apply to attend the State University of New York’s Empire State College, starting in the Spring Semester. He never sent in the application, and I have his written answers to some informational questions that were part of the application.
[Photo: Paul Greenberg, 1974]
1. What are your general long range educational, vocational, or professional plans or aspirations? How will a college education effect your plans?
My educational goals are to achieve formal degrees and to fill in the gaps in knowledge and theory that my professional career requires. This achievement will be self fulfilling and at the same time enhance my professional standing. I plan on going on to graduate school after earning my Bachelor Of Arts degree. If it is feasible I would like to go to Law School.
ANSWER EITHER QUESTION 2 OR 3
2. If your professional, vocational, or educational goals are clearly defined, please indicate which, Areas of Study you expect to include in your Concentration and General Learnings. Which of the Organizing Frameworks will you use? State briefly why this Framework is best suited to your needs.
3. If you do not have clearly defined goals, what are some of your major areas of interest? Indicate the area(s) in which you might begin your studies. In which of the Organizing Frameworks do you expect to start?
I would work within an interdisciplinary framework that includes Community and Social Services and Social Theory, Social Structure and Change.
My major interest is Government as an instrument for human service. I would like to explore the dynamics between large governmental units (Federal, State and Municipal) and community and individual needs.
I have spent a number of years in my professional life on legislative needs of communities and on developing democratic processes for community needs. I believe the framework I have chosen will enlarge my understanding of these problems and their solutions and improve my professional performance.
4. What Special Resources for Learning do you have available in your community to assist you in reaching your educational goals? Please indicate how you would use these resources. Some of the community agencies you might keep in mind are colleges, schools, social agencies, laboratories, business organizations, labor unions, government agencies, libraries, recreation groups and hospitals.
If my community is defined by the town I reside in the resources available are: An open non-partisan government structure which has open meetings of the Town Council, Planning agency and other departments. A good library with many services.
The observation and study of government as a case study is available and I could use these facilities for academic research and written reports.
If my community is defined as the Metropolitan Area the resources are unlimited. In New York City there are a variety of libraries and schools with every known resource available. My years of work in government makes it possible for me to get easy access to records and appointments with officials for academic investigation.
I could use these resources for development of written reports or for creative investigation.
5. What kinds of work experiences or other activities might your studies at Empire State College include?
My work as Director of the unit that conducts Community School Board Elections in New York City and my work representing government and social agencies at the State legislature could be excellent tools for academic inquiry.
6. Please list and briefly describe experiences outside of school or college or special circumstances which you feel are pertinent to your admission to Empire State. If you did not graduate from high school or attend college, please give evidence of your readiness to undertake college work.
My professional career which has included years of legislative work for social organizations and government agencies plus my years as an executive of various social organizations are pertinent to my admission to Empire State.
I have been the Research and Publicity Director of the United Furniture Workers of America AFL-CIO. I was a Special Assistant to the President of the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. I was The Executive Director of The Greater New York Council for A Sane Nuclear Policy. I was the Legislative Director of the Liberal Party of New York State. I have been the Special Assistant for Legislation andGovernment hearings for the New York City Health and Hospitals Corporation. I have been either Director or Associate Director of all the community school board elections held in New York City since their inception in 1970. I am a consultant to The State Charter Revision Committee for New York City.
These and many more activities and jobs completed are adequate proof of my ability to undertake college work.
7. What were the reasons you chose Empire State College rather than another college? What were the alternatives to Empire you considered?
I choose Empire State College because of the special nature of the program which will allow me to continue working and fulfill any academic requirements. The system of advance standing may shorten considerably the time needed to achieve a degree.
I considered Ramapo College. My examination led me to believe Empire State was more suited to my needs.
8. What are your current family, occupational, and recreational responsibilities and interests? Which of these would you continue as you pursue your program at Empire State College? Which would you have to give up in order to spend 40 or 20 hours per week required of a full or half-time student?
I am a husband and father of three children. The children are two girls ages sixteen and fourteen and a boy age five. I am currently a full time consultant to the New York State Charter Revision Commission for New York City. I spend some time trying to achieve the level of artist in the photographic medium. I am active in local political and social organizations. I can not abdicate nor do I chose to abdicate from my family. I both enjoy and need the economic reward for my professional work therefore I by necessity will have to limit my photography and organizational work. I also will have to apply a sense of discipline to my time that is now best described as leisure time.
*** *** ***
My father did not end up going back to school to complete his B.A. in 1974; he did continue to work in the photographic medium. The photos in this final section of my post were all shot and developed by him in that year.
In 1974 we were living in Teaneck, NJ, at 130 Johnson Avenue, minutes from the George Washington Bridge and the route into Manhattan. The picture, above, of me and Dad all dressed up for my aunt Leah’s wedding, is on the front steps of that house. This next picture is of me and my sisters in the living room:
Me and Gregory, my friend from across the street, hanging out in my bedroom:
I attended kindergarten at the Bryant School in Teaneck. I believe that’s me and one of my school friends:
My maternal grandparents for many years had a summer home in the Mohegan Colony, near Mohegan Lake, in Westchester County, NY. We always went for visits. That’s me in the lake:
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on October 1, 2004 at 10:14 am
[final draft from Long Days Short Nights ms., summer or fall, 1963]
by Paul A. Greenberg
Dear Boss,
I am tired of prophylactic assignments. Mo Bartel is dead and every newspaper will have the facts. LITTLE MO BARTEL JAZZ LEGEND DIES IN CHICAGO HOTEL ROOM. Or maybe another hipper headline will read LAST BLUE NOTE FOR MO BARTEL. The story will be the same. They will say he was only 37 years old no one knew he was sick that he left a wife and two children and 300 records behind. They will find out he was broke and remember he was the first whiteman to tour with Prince Kingsley. They will remember that he got loaded sometimes and told audiences to shut up. Somebody will run a benefit and that will be that.
I don’t want the assignment. I wrote the Mo Bartel story 10 years ago and you didn’t print it. Enclosed is the carbon copy of the story filed with you then. Print it and buy all of his records with my check otherwise forget it. I won’t interview his wife or any of the guys he played with. Fire me—get a new Jazz Critic for our lousy magazine but I won’t do that kind of story.
I wrote the enclosed 10 years ago with a hangover. Mo was on his way to Chicago I was on the same train and we got loaded together in the clubcar. Mo had just quit The Prince after he refused to stay home while the band went south. You remember the time he was busted in Mississippi and you wrote a discretion is better than valor editorial saying his timing was bad.
Well we were commiserating—me with his jail pallor—he with the son of a bitch boss that I work for. I got loaded enough to ask a stupid question and hit the jackpot. I asked him when it all started that is the music. The elusive, non-personal blues wailer hero Mo Bartel told me and I wrote it down and sent it to you. You said it was too personal, too psychological and too dirty for our magazine or any other magazine and that was that except Little Mo is dead and I want you to print it now and make what amends possible to your own soul if you have one.
Your (ex?) Jazz critic?
(enclosure)
Notes from the childhood of a drunk jazz musician artist hero as remembered by a scurvy critic.
At 15 I was a quiet, skinny, intense and scared kid. My father had split 5 years earlier and my mother wanted me to grow up to make a lot of money and take care of her. She didn’t know what went wrong in her life and tried to compound the same stupidity into my life. I didn’t rebel I withdrew.
We lived in Boston and I worked at a drugstore to help pay the rent and cheated my mother out of tips so that I could go to Boston Symphony Concerts.
The job was fine because I thought people noticed me. That is at first. I liked it when some asked me “please give me a coke” or “may I please have a drink of water.” They were asking me. I was their agent for receiving pleasure and I hoped the girls would notice me. They did and I didn’t like it because I was JewBoy.
The other live factor in my life was basketball. I was going to show them that a Jew could be as tough as anyone. I made the team by determination rather than skill. Years later I asked Tony Nucola, who was our coach, why he put me on his squad and he told me that any one who fought that hard to play was worth having on the team. I don’t know whether he did me a favor or not. I was always playing 9 men. The opposing 5 and our other 4. Except when Keefe Riley played he was human.
Do you remember my Tuesday to Saturday Blues? That’s what it was all about. Keefe invited me on Tuesday and I had to wait until Saturday. I went and didn’t over and over. I was sure they were putting me on. I would flunk the test and be the laughing stock of the school. They would remember I was Jewish and ask me to leave. One country indivisible with liberty and justice for all that crap and they would call me Jewboy and I would start a fight. I wouldn’t know what to say. I hated popular music.
On Saturday I walked up the hill to Keefe’s house like a car with a couple of spark plugs out. By the time I got there I was shaking, inside my stomach felt like mush. Mrs. Riley, pretty, friendly, lovely Mrs. Riley answered the door and told me “the boys are down in the basement.”
Eight boys looked like an army and sounded like two. I was trapped. Eight enemies of my privacy were looking at me, surveying me. I was searching for something to say when Keefe made it easy—easy like scaling Everest easy like dying. “Hi Mo. Guys this is the clary man I told you about Mo Bartel. Mo did you bring any sides?”
“Yeah, two my left and right.” I made it. I was in and still breathing.
Someone shoved a coke in my hand and I was able to ward off questions about how long I was playing or who my teacher is when Keefe shouted above the din “let’s get organized and start spinning some sides first one for Mo, Pops Armstrong’s Lonesome Blues featuring Johnny Dodds on clarinet.”
Love on first sound? Three minutes on another planet. I mean it hit me like where have you been all my painful life. This was what I felt. The truth head on. It cried without the tears showing, it screamed pain without being sent to the nuthouse. It was all about being alone, alone, alone.
After it finished I got up walked upstairs and out down the hill and with tears in my eyes I ran down the hill my clarinet case in front of me covering the fact that I had an erection.
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on September 27, 2004 at 3:07 pm
by Paul Greenberg, circa 1991
Maybe it was 1937 when my oldest brother and I were in a local WPA theater production of Waiting For Lefty. I remember thinking that a union organizer was the noblest of all jobs even better than playing right field like Mel Ott. I also thought that Jewishsocialist was one word and that Jews who were not socialists were the exceptions even though my mother’s family was among the exceptions.
We were a decidedly secular family. Judaism was some old fashioned thing that my paternal grandmother held onto and it was sort of embarrassing. I did love seders at my Aunt Beck’s house because my Uncle Sam made Exodus come alive. To me Moses was a union organizer and socialist revolutionary and John L. Lewis all rolled into one.
When I was 10 we moved back to New York from Taunton, Mass. I don’t remember who lent me a copy of Michael Gold’s Jews Without Money. I am still in debt to him because I never returned the book and because I better understood where my father came from. Several years later and back in Boston I was suspended from Brighton High School for circulating this “dirty” book.
It was at Brighton H.S. that I joined the American Student Union and was part of the most left faction. I had two competing dreams. One was to be a great Jazz clarinetist and the other was to be a union organizer.
My love for Jazz made me acutely aware of racial injustice. I tried to be a professional musician but gave it up for the sound reason of not enough talent. My association with Jazz musicians in general and Frankie Newton in particular shaped my view of human possibility and what suffering was about. Buzzy Drutin and Ruby Braff both wonderful Jewish Jazz Men from Boston taught me the similarity between the blues and some aspects of Jewish music. May they both create for many more years.
Both Frankie Newton and Rex Stewart, who was a marvelous trumpet player in the Duke Ellington band, gave me a vision of socialism and art as important components of the human spirit. Frank taught me how to look at Picasso and Evergood and to read poetry ranging from John Donne to Langston Hughes. Rex turned me on to Edward Bellamy’s Looking Backward and Jack London’s The Iron Heel.
In 1946 realizing that I wasn’t going to make a living at music I got a job for 15 dollars a week with the CIO and went to Winston Salem North Carolina to help organize the Winston Salem Tobacco Company. It was a massive effort that failed. The company is still not union. It was here that I first saw and heard Pete Seeger. It was at the end of road when the National Guard had broken the Union that those who held the line were taught the adaptation of the spiritual I Will Overcome with the new words We Shall Overcome. It was Zilphia Horton of the Highlander Folk School who came and taught it to us. I can still hear her slightly shrill soprano with a tear drop in its sound and I can still feel the sense of power in defeat as we joined hands for our last walk on the picket line.
When I returned to New York I worked at odd jobs including a record store in Greenwich Village that was a hang out for Bohemia and the emerging Beats. I was the record salesman for Jazz friends like Peewee Russell and Cozy Cole and various artists and poets. It was fun and I learned a great deal but I was restless and soon found a Job with the United Textile Workers in Boston. I worked with a Black organizer named Jack Lee. He was an extraordinary man. He was light enough to “pass” and often did in order to organize in areas that would not welcome a Black man. He was steeped in Black history and introduced me to the work of W.E.B. Dubois. He was also something of a Jewophile and spoke a considerable amount of Yiddish and knew all about Jewish labor and socialist history.
Again I was involved in a losing battle. The post war recession was a full fledged depression in the mill towns of Lawrence and Lowell and Haverill. The sight of workingmen out on the streets looking at the shut down mills still haunts me. Every time I hear Woody Guthrie’s “I don’t want your millions mister… I just want my old job back again,” I see those towns and those men and remember that even the movie theaters were closed except on weekends. We also worked on the Walter O’Brien for Mayor of Boston election campaign. This was the campaign that produced the song “Charley And The MTA” that had a resurrection in the sixties.
Soon I went back to New York and went to work for the UOPWA [United Office and Professional Workers of America]. I was organizing in the direct mail industry and got my first taste of gangster unions. The Senior organizer had been a seaman and organizer for the National Maritime Union. He greeted me on the staff by saying, “It’s good to see a young buck like you. You ain’t married and you ain’t got no kids and you will take chances that old guys like me won’t take.” My chance time came soon enough. Every time we organized a shop a gangster union showed up with a “contract.” It was of course a sweetheart contract and if we struck this tall skinny guy would lead some scabs in past our picket line. One morning around six A. M. there was Skinny ready to lead his scabs when they arrived. The Senior organizer said, “Paul go get him before the cops arrive.” I crossed the street and was playing head on sidewalk with him when the cops arrived and arrested us both. At the trial our lawyer claimed I was minding my own business when Skinny insulted my mother and the next thing any one knew he had me on the sidewalk. His lawyer was arguing from somewhat nearer the facts. There being no other witnesses the judge dismissed the case with a lecture about unions getting together instead of fighting. Twenty years later, while moving, I was going through old papers and I found a clipping from a New York paper about that arrest. It stated that Paul Greenberg and John Dioguardi were arrested in a labor dispute. It was only then that I realized that Skinny was the later famous mobster Johnny Dio.
It was about this time that I met Esther Novogrodsky. This was a momentous event. She is of course my wife and aside from being my best and most constant friend she introduced me to her family who are the models of Jewish religious concern that began my wrestle with tradition.
By now the McCarthy period was upon us. The CIO was split and the traditional antagonisms on the left had taken a turn toward suicidal meanness. Then real disaster hit in the form of the Korean War. I got drafted, got married and had all my previous assumptions challenged. War was indeed hell. I was constantly one step away from a court martial. A full Colonel once told me that in his twenty five years in the Army he had never seen a man who was less of a soldier than I was. I thanked him and told him that I was only a civilian with a uniform on. I found myself in Japan after several small wounds and a massive case of dysentery that was written up in the Army Medical Journal. It was in Hiroshima that I had a profound religious experience. In the Hiroshima Museum there is a wall, all that is left of a building destroyed by the bomb. On that wall is etched the shadow of human beings which is all that is left of them. It was there that I came to understand that the distinction between just and unjust wars was blurred and that human existence was at great risk and that only a spiritual revolution would be sufficient if humanity was going to survive.
When I came home neither I or the left was the same. It was the time of the toad. There were no labor jobs open for me and I was sorting out my own thoughts. I did participate in electoral politics and the peace and civil rights movements but establishing myself in the role of husband and father took priority. I went to Columbia University School of General Studies and after a couple of years realized that I was too restless for academic life. As the fifties came to a close and the first stirrings of a new left emerged I was involved with CORE and the organizing of the Committee For A Sane Nuclear Policy. After several years of mundane earn a living jobs I went to work for the United Furniture Workers. I was Assistant President and functioned as the “staff intellectual” and as director of organization. I headed the research bureau, edited the newspaper and directed field organizing. I was often in the South and trying to organize integrated unions. The President of the Union Morris Pizer was one of the last of a vanishing breed of Jewish working class intellectuals. He was as comfortable in Carnegie Hall as in the union hall. After a couple of years the business union element pushed Pizer into a kind of corner and complained that I spent too much on organizing the South. Meanwhile SANE had grown and I was asked to become Executive Director of the Greater New York Council. Here we had some success. We lobbied for a Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and got it. We established Hiroshima Day by organizing the first large peace march in America. It went from Princeton, New Jersey to the United Nations and 100,000 people assembled under the words from Isaiah “and they shall beat their swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning hooks and neither shall they study war any more.”
My relationship to the Torah was developing. I met and was awed by Rabbi Heschel. I read Mordecai Kaplan and began to hear rumblings of what was to become the Jewish Renewal Movement. I tried unsuccessfully to create an alliance between Sane and the emerging Civil Rights Movement. Greater New York Sane had grown from 3 or 4 chapters to 40 chapters. Success seems to bring competition and soon there was a power struggle in the organization. I moved on to work for the Southern Christian Leadership Conference. We were organizing the March on Washington and again I found myself in the South. This time in Birmingham, Alabama sometimes referred to as Bombingham. I was able to run the first large scale integrated show in the history of Alabama. We were first told we could use the civic center auditorium and then Bull Connor got the permit revoked. Instead we used the football field of a small Black college. We had to build a stage from scratch and we advertised “Bring A Chair For Freedom.” I will never forget the sight of thousands of people in orderly array filing down the hill chair in hand to hear Ray Charles, Joey Adams and a score of other entertainers. We raised enough money to send anyone who wanted to go on to Washington. I also got to know Rabbi Heschel through my boss Dr. King. May their memories be for a blessing.
After the great march it was time to put my family life back in order. By now Esther and I were augmented by Francine and Jessica. I got a job as director of the Labor Committee for the Liberal Party. Among my responsibilities was lobbying for a group of progressive Union locals including the Auto Workers, the Garment Workers and District 65. I also was privileged to work with Alex Rose and David Dubinsky, two of the most legendary Jewish Labor Leaders.
I also became involved in many good government causes. We succeeded in ending, for the most part, Capital Punishment in New York State. We also opened up the political process by creating state wide primaries and at the State Constitutional Convention established the groundwork for the 18 year old vote. In these endeavors I became good friends with Dr. George Hallet who was the dean of good government activists. George became a pivotal influence on me. We were instrumental in bringing school decentralization to New York City. I had long been interested in Proportional Representation as a democratic method of election. George was considered by many as the world’s leading authority and enthusiast. When PR was designated as the system of election for the 32 decentralized school boards they hired George and me to organize the system and implement the elections. In the course of these events Albert Shanker became frantic and went on a terrible power trip. He did more damage to Black-Jewish relationships than can ever be measured. He also threatened to make me the “Jewish devil of New York.” I stood up to him despite much advice to the effect that he would destroy me. I am still here and he is still there so I guess it was a stalemate.
Families grow and by now Benjamin joined the family and I began to be concerned with the cost of college and other things that teenagers need. I found out that there were some people willing to pay real wages for my skills. First I helped establish the New York Health and Hospitals Corp. I was instrumental in establishing abortion by choice in the city hospital system and enjoyed working with Dr. Joe English who had been the medical director of the Peace Corp and was the President of the Hospital Corporation. After a couple of years we moved to Albany where I work for the state as an Affirmative Action Officer. It was early in this period that I met Gerry Serotta at the National Havurah Conference and he engaged me in the development of [New Jewish] Agenda. That involvement has completed my circle of development from Jewish Progressive to Progressive Jew. In short I now know that Tikkun Olam is the Tikkun of my life. What a joy.
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on September 2, 2004 at 2:04 am
By Cindy Adams
Show Business
August 10, 1963
Vol. XXIII, No. 32, pgs. 3, 7
BIRMINGHAM, Ala.—Aug. 5th was B-Day. B-for-Brimingham. The day 105 soldiers in grease paint invaded this Civil Rights battlefield for the first integrated show in its history. . . .
The two chartered planes, subsidized by private donations took off from LaGuardia. Sprits were high. Cracked one white performer, “Hey, things are changing. I’m sitting in the back of the plane!” Cracked a black one, “This is the only passenger plane in history with a tail gunner in the rear. . . .
An estimated 20,000—colored and white—brought their own bridge chairs, camp chairs and backyard chairs in what was tagged locally, “Seats for Freedom.” Those without chairs rented them on the grounds for 25c. Or brought pillows. Or squatted on the grass. . . .
An additional 45-minute delay was caused by the late arrival of Ray Charles. His bus couldn’t proceed to the stage because opening the gate would have meant thousands could pour in helter skelter. Near mayhem was averted by the Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King who quickly stepped forward toward the helmeted policemen on duty, he formed a human chain to stem the onrush. It wasn’t needed. His presence was enough.
The “stage” was an elevated slab of plywood put together with spit. Near the 3/4 mark, when Johnny Mathis was eight bars into his opening song, the entire bandstand collapsed. With it went some invited guests. I was one of them, so was Leo Shull, Johnny Mathis, Wm. B. Williams, James Baldwin. It was like an earthquake. Two sections of the stage suddenly split . . .
Simultaneously, all electrical equipment went dead. Some of us were slightly injured. Several had broken limbs, one had both legs broken. All of us were badly shaken. We’d been repeatedly warned of possible violence. In the ensuing darkness and chaos, we wondered if it was to hit now.
In true show-must-go-on tradition, Alabama’s Christian Choir struck up a gospel. The remaining performers did their turns sans lights, mikes & music since many instruments had been broken.
Not one person left during the 30-minute blackout. When the five-hour show finally closed at 1:30 a.m., the audience was still stomping and applauding for more.
A caravan of private cars returned the troupe to Municipal Airport because neither Birmingham’s “white” taxis nor the “colored” would drive the integrated group. The plane was delayed an hour. First, because of a security check. Rumors of a bomb threat had reached the airfield. Second, because the colored chauffeur of one vehicle was detained 30 minutes and fined $45 for going 60 miles an hour. Attempts by the stars to ascertain how 1936 bus could go 60 miles an hour brought surly responses. This, after a two way radio discussion between the officers and their supervisors as to whether or not they should “lock the driver up for his crime.”
At 9 a.m., 21 hours after this weary band of minstrels took off, they returned. Like one tearful but grateful Negro lady, who’d driven all the way from Houston to see the show put it, “Never ever will we forget this evening.”
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on June 18, 2004 at 4:46 am
Rally at Birmingham
BIRMINGHAM, Ala., Aug. 6 (UPI)—An integrated rally, to raise money to send Negroes to Washington for a massive integration march, ended abruptly last night when the makeshift stage partly collapsed.
Johnny Mathis was singing his first number when the wooden stage at the Miles College stadium sagged and the lights went out.
L. H. Pitts, president of the college, said that when Mr. Mathis started singing, many people jumped on the stage, causing it to fall about two feet to the ground. The front part of the stage on which Mr. Mathis was standing remained upright.
—NYT, Wednesday, August 7, 1963
The UPI reporter seems to think the stage was the most interesting character at this remarkable event.
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on June 17, 2004 at 10:20 pm
The Ray Charles moment in the blogosphere has mostly come and gone, but this blog dwells a little more in the past than most, so before I get back to other things I’ve got to do a little bit about Ray Charles.
In August of 1963, when my father was working for the Southern Christian Leardership Conference (SCLC) in Brimingham, Alabama, he served as one of the chief organizers of the Salute to Freedom ‘63—a concert financed largely by Joey Adams, president of the American Guild of Variety Artists (AGVA). In the flier Dad saved from the event, you can see him listed as the contact for ordering tickets. You can also see that Ray Charles and His Band were the headliners.
I actually don’t have much more to say about Ray Charles’ life or music than has already been said. Some required blogispatic reading on Ray Charles: Professor Kim, Jeanne D’Arc’s first post and her follow-up, James, Nakachi.
The music (via Natalie Davis) is the main thing, of course. But I’ve got to add some more history. Over at CBS they’re saying stupid stuff like this: “Charles considered Martin Luther King Jr. a friend and once refused to play to segregated audiences in South Africa. But politics didn’t take.”
According to afgen.com:
It was on the road in the 1950’s that the realities of segregation, its evils, its injustices, even its ludicrous moments, became apparent to Charles and his troupe of traveling musicians.
It was a concert day in Augusta, GA that brought the issue of segregation vs. civil rights to a head for Ray Charles.
“A promoter insisted that a date we were about to play be segregated: the blacks upstairs and the whites downstairs.
“I told the promoter that I didn’t mind segregation, except that he had it backwards. . . After all, I was black and it only made sense to have the black folk close to me. . . Let him sue. I wasn’t going to play. And I didn’t. And he sued. And I lost.” This was the incident that propelled Ray Charles into an active role in the quest for racial justice, the development of social consciousness that led him to friendship with and moral and financial support of the Rev. Martin Luther King, Jr. in the 1960’s.
“…early on, I decided that if I was going to shoot craps on anyone’s philosophy, I was putting my money on Martin Luther King Jr.
“I figured if I was going to pick up my cross and follow someone, it could only be Martin.”
Despite his deep commitment to King and the cause of black Americans, Charles came to the logical conclusion that there was no place for him physically in the front lines:
“First, I wouldn’t have known when to duck when they started throwing broken bottles at my head. And I told that to Martin personally.
“When he intentionally broke the law, he was hauled off to jail. And when you go to jail, you need money for lawyers, for legal research, for court fees, for food for the marchers. I saw that as my function; I helped raise money.” His awareness of racial injustice was not limited to the home front: The same years he fought the war against racial injustice in the American South found in Charles a growing awareness of racial injustice abroad, particularly the notorious policy of apartheid in South Africa.
I wrote in to ask afgen.com the source(s) for the above. I’ll let you know what I find out.
The write-up of the Salute to Freedom ‘63, which follows, doesn’t place a lot of emphasis on Ray Charles, but it shows him putting his money into the Civil Rights Movement. It also shows him putting his body on the line a little more than he said he did in his quoted recollection, above. Given the strength of the Klan and other racist terror groups in Birmingham, racist violence was a clear risk for all performers and concert goers. The rioting in May after the bombings of A. D. and Naomi King’s home and the A. G. Gaston Motel surely added to tension that must have been in the air as thousands assembled for this event—”the first integrated show and audience in the history of Birmingham.”
NEITHER HEAT, BOMBS, NOR BIRMINGHAM COPS SHALL STOP THE SHOW—IT MUST GO ON
By Leo Shull
Show Business
August 10, 1963
Vol. XXIII, No. 32, pgs. 1, 10
Two invasion planes flew into Birmingham, Alabama, Monday August 4 and captured the city.
“They captured the right people, too,” said Reverend Martin Luther King, “the Negroes and whites who are fighting to attach Birmingham and the whole South to the United States of America.” Joey Adams, President of AGVA, had decided to integrate Birmingham for the entertainment industry.
The first plane of show people drafted by Adams had 76 aboard. “The Spirit of 76,” said Joey, who had conceived, produced and financed the show and was now the denmother & nursemaid to the apprehensive collection of talent. The second plane departed afterwards and had Ray Charles and his orchestra, crewmen and staff. Mr. Charles and his manager, Milt Shaw, with Stan Seidenberg, had chartered and paid for this plane. [emphasis added]
In the first aircraft with Joey Adams were his wife, Cindy, and stars, celebrities, newspapermen, Life and Sat Eve. Post and other photographers, disc jockeys and commentators of radio and Tv stations, plus several hundred pounds of food and drink, donated to Mr. Adams and his “Salute to Freedom” riders by Max Asnas, Stage Delicatessen. The planes were paid by donations which Mr. Adams got from Northerners, including $500 from Radio City Music Hall, Maurice Uchital ($2,500); David Dubinsky of ILGWU ($500); Jacob Potofsky of the Hatmakers’ Union, $250. Union official Harold Gibbons, $1,000, AGMA, $200, and Int’l Building Trades, $200 plus many smaller contributions.
To dare say, and a Yankee at that, that an integrated show would be smuggled into Birmingham to encourage Negroes and whites to integrate into a black and white audience was like waving a red flag in front of a bull O’Connor—an intolerable insult.
The enemy camp decided to meet it with volleys of silence, from the Mayor of the city, the police, political figures and the Birmingham press which never printed a stick of linotype before or after the event. Blackout.
The police and Mayor had refused protection, because “this was the first integrated show and audience in the history of Birmingham,” declared Rev. A. D. King, brother of Martin Luther, who had organized 500 volunteers to deal with the local problems and preparations, including ticket sales for the show. [emphasis added]
Taxi drivers had refused to transport the show’s cast and personnel. Rev. King then collected a caravan of 50 private-car volunteers. Hotels had refused lodgings; Adams got a motel, run by A. G. Gaston, former Negro undertaker and now owner of the motel, the local Negro bank and Negro insurance company to provide lodgings. Restaurants refused service. Adams brought along his own food. The city theatre and auditorium owners had refused a meeting hall.
Adams and King got a Negro college campus. There were no chairs. Adams issued a radio call via Negro disc jockey in Birmingham asking people to carry their own—on the night of the show, for three miles people could be seen walking to campus, carrying their own chairs—they had also paid $5 per ticket to see the show.
There was no stage nor lights.
“Build one, buy lights,” said Adams. “I’m sending a check for the lumber, lights and electricians. And don’t spend a cent of the ticket sales, keep it all to pay for ‘The March to Washington Aug. 28,’ I’m paying all expenses for this ‘Sale to Freedom in Birmingham.’”
Threatening calls and letters, promises of bombings, riots and physical injury all failed to deter the group or the show which went on 9 pm and lasted for five hours. Klu Kluxers [sic] and white violence groups began to hold meetings.
Joey Adams had collected for his production Johnny Mathis, Nina Simone, comedian Al Bernie, writers James Baldwin and Harry Golden, Dick Merson, assistant director of News; Billy Taylor and Wm. B. Williams of WNEW; Paul Duke, magician; Billy Rowe, former NYC Deputy Police Coor., now Joe Louis’ partner, and Conrad Buckner, dancer, the Gamm Sisters, The Raelettes, Clyde McPhatter, The Shirelles, Dick Gregory, Magid Triplets, the Alabama Christian Movement Choir of 150, the whole orchestra of The Harlem Apollo Theatre led by its conductor, Reuben Phillips. The Alabama musicians union refused to permit Negro and white musicians to play in the same stage.
The cast and crew got off the plane, had lunch at the Gaston motel, then went to a nearby hall and began rehearsals with the orchestras. Sid DeMaye, of AGVA, began co-ordinating the stage routine.
Meanwhile in New York and over press wires the story began to go out. The radio stations from the North began phoning in for progress reports. The newsmen and photographers—about 50—began work. So did Cleveland Robinson, chairman of the “March on Washington Committee,” Clarence Jones of the Ghandi Society.
On the campus, Dr. Lucious H. Pitts, president of Miles College, had mustered volunteer students and alumni to prepare an organization of ushers, service personnel; the carpenters and roof-makers, lighting men and technicians were working in the 98 degree heat—an unusually hot day.
Civilian defense guards had been gathered to take over the protection job that the police refused and had always given to all other public gatherings—and these Negro volunteers came with shot guns to protect the audience from Klu Kluxers [sic] who had paraded a few days earlier in protest against the show.
Makeshift floodlights had been set up to light the way for the ticket buyers and to show up any lurking hoodlums or invaders. There were no toilet or rest room facilities, no water, since the field was about a half mile from the college, and five miles from the center of town. . . .
Altho the show was not scheduled till about nine, the audience began to come at noon. Adams had expected 5,000; more than 20,000 people bought tickets, and brought chairs. Many white ticket agencies accepted tickets for sale, a new first.
The Negro people, who had reason to dislike whites, treated the “Salute to Freedom” members with generous welcome and affection. The response to the show at times was deafening, and great roars greeted many of the acts and the quips of MC Adams, Rev. Martin Luther King, Joe Louis. Adams made a point of publicly embracing many Negro members of the local committees, a sight that would have caused instant arrest a few months ago. The Negroes watched with disbelief and amazement as Negroes and whites chattered, worked and mingled on stage and at the Gaston Motel (which had been bombed a few months ago when they found that Martin Luther King was sleeping on the second floor. A wall of new bricks replaces the old shattered one). Some Negroes asked if they could walk on the street with white members of the show; never seen in Birmingham before.
NBC and other television companies had brought their cameras, as did many of the film newsreel companies.
White and Negroes sitting and eating together became the big photo catch for Negro photographers shooting for Southern Negro newspapers and magazines. More than a dozen Negro disc jockeys journeyed to Miles College and were introduced on the stage. They had been broadcasting this coming event for weeks.
Said James Baldwin to the audience: “This is a living, visible view of the breakdown of a hundred years of slavery—it means that white man and black can work and live together. History is forcing people of Birmingham to stop victimizing each other.”
The only member of the United States Government or any of the fifty states to acknowledge there was a new kind of integration drive, was NY’s Senator Jacob Javits. He sent a telegram to Joey Adams saying: “Congratulations to all those participating in this significant variety show, my warmest praise goes out to you for this inspiring show which deserves the support of all America interested in freedom and human dignity. Birmingham is an appropriate site for this event. I think this will become the symbol of the breakthru so long awaited and tell the people present I will work to overcome the Senate filibuster to bring civil rights this year.”
About four hours after the show began as Johnny Mathis began his song, the stage collapsed and fifty people were hurled down, some of them struck by the falling lumber. The whole field went dark. Electricians restored lights in about a half hour, the audience stayed, the show went on. One man with two broken legs, and the other wounded were taken to hospitals.
The noise of the crash made people think a bomb had gone off, some jumped, John Mathis dove for the floor. (This writer was thrown clear to the grass below.) One of the Magid Triplets was injured, but he did his turn later anyhow. Orchestra instruments were broken, they will be paid for from the $10,000 fund Joey Adams raised.
Upon the return trip, a warning came that a bomb was on one of the planes. It was searched, then all plane riders were halted at the airport gate and questioned, some searched for possible bomb or weapon. The Ray Charles plane flew off. Then the 76 on the second plane embarked. At 5 am it took off. At 9 am it landed at LaGuardia, New York City, U.S.A., Aug. 6, nineteen sixty three.
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on June 16, 2004 at 5:12 am
Name: ROOSEVELT TATUM
Race: Negro
Sex: Male
Address: 1109 Avenue J, Ensley, Birmingham, Alabama
Date of Birth: February 18, 1924
Place of Birth: Docena, Alabama
Height: 6′0″
Weight: 155 pounds
Hair: Black, curly
Eyes: Brown
Education: Graduate of Westfield High School, Birmingham, Alabama, and attended Miles College for three years studying sociology.
Military Service: U. S. Navy, April 28, 1943, until March, 1946, as Steward’s Mate 3/C, Navy Service # unrecalled
Arrest Record: Several arrests for drunk but has served no penitentiary time.
Scars and Marks: Index finger of right hand amputated; First joint of little finger, right hand, amputated.
Parents: Deceased
Brothers: JESSE E. TATUM, address unknown, New York City, New York, NATHANIEL BOWLES, resides in Edgewater section, Birmingham Alabama
Common Law Wife: LILLIE MAE COOPER (Claims LILLIE MAE COOPER abandoned him in November, 1962. Current interview with her indicates this is not true.)
Children: JAMES BERNARD COOPER, age 6, SHELIA QUISELLA COOPER, age 4, ROOSEVELT TATUM, JR., age 1
Occupation: Roller, Choctaw Incoporated, 35 34ths Street, Ensley, Birmingham, Alabama
(Roosevelt Tatum. FBI HQ-0460048526, 20)
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on March 20, 2004 at 9:35 pm
[This is one of my father's resumes from around 1974.]
Paul Greenberg
Born Brooklyn, New York December 22, 1927
Married, three children
New York City Public Schools
Columbia University School of General Studies 1953-6
United States Army honorable discharge June, 1952
1952-1956 Public Affairs Editor Keystone Publications. Wrote, edited and selected material on government affairs.
1957-1960 Assistant President United Furniture Workers of America AFL-CIO. Research and Publications Director, Legislative Representative, Director of Committee on Political Education.
1960-1962 Executive Director Greater New York Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy. Program development, community organization and legislative work on state and national levels.
1962-1963 Special Assistant to the President Southern Christian Leadership Conference. Directed voter registration programs, legislative activity on state and national levels.
1964-1968 Assistant to Executive Director and Legislative Representative Liberal Party of New York State. Local organization, legislative representation on local, state and national levels.
1967 Executive Staff New York State Constitutional Convention.
1968 Research Associate Joint Legislative Committee on Consumer Protection.
1969-1971 Executive Director Proportional Representation Committee. Public education and political action. Legislative activity on local and state levels.
1970 On leave form [sic] Proportional Representation Committee to become Associate Director of Special Unit for School Board Elections of the Board of Elections in the City of New York.
1972-1974 Special Assistant for Legislation and Government Relations New York City Health and Hospitals Corporation. Represented corporation at local, state and national legislatures, developed legislative program and represented corporation at government agencies.
1973 On leave from corporation to become Director of Special Unit For School Board Elections of the Board of Elections in the City of New York.
Present Full time cunsultant [sic] to the New York State Charter Revision Commission for New York City.
References on request.
§ Posted by Benjamin T. Greenberg on March 12, 2004 at 1:19 am
BLOG POSTS
COMMENTS
PODCASTS